womensnet logo Address to Delegates to the Conference on Transformation for Gender Justice and Organisational Change
(Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge (ANC) MP Chairperson of the ANC Parliamentary Caucus and the Parliamentary Women's Group, 4/6/98)

It always gives me pleasure to be among women activists. I consider myself an activist parliamentarian. I am pleased also to see men here who support the struggle for gender justice. My task this evening is to welcome you to the public aspect of the Conference on Transformation for Gender Justice and Organisational Change. I hope that the preceding meetings have been productive. In welcoming you I want to add my voice to those who have already stressed the importance of the "trialogue" among academics, practitioners and policy makers committed to gender justice and institutional transformation. Sharing of information and strategies and unity in action are critical in the struggle to truly transform our society.

Taking place at this critical period of South Africa's history and on the eve of our second democratic elections next year, this conference focusing on gender justice and transformation could not have been better timed. The four years of democracy give us an opportunity to evaluate our successes, assess our strengths and weaknesses and plan for the future. This conference creates space for developing effective and transformative approaches for improving the lives of women and girls.

Although transformation has become the buzzword, it seems to mean different things to different people. When preparing for this meeting, I looked up the meaning of the word transformation. The Oxford Dictionary defines transformation as "dramatic change in form, culture and appearance - a revolution". Looking at this definition reminds us that transformation is about fundamental and deep change.

A programme on transformation of the South African army was screened on television recently. A black member of the South African National Defence Force said that the South African army had not yet achieved transformation. He said it was still managed by white men. I wondered what a transformed army would look like and what it would do differently. Would it have over fifty percent women and would it be more humane? Feminists who have called for gender equality in the army have argued that this would transform the army. It would bring about a change in the way the army conducts itself and would bring about a change in its priorities. For example, a transformed army would focus on building and maintaining peace rather than making war. To bring about such transformation in the army, women would need to be present in large enough numbers to achieve the critical mass.

The challenge of transformation demands united and concerted action. As we try to transform the institutions of power in this country, we have become aware of their resistance to change. We have become acutely aware of the possibility of co-option and absorption into the culture of these institutions of those that are trying to change them. Only relentless pressure from inside and outside of these institutions can bring about real transformation.

In the Parliamentary debate on reconciliation called by the deputy President, Comrade Thabo Mbeki characterised South Africa as a nation of two worlds; one white and relatively wealthy and the other black and relatively poor. This needs to be taken further and the point made that there are within these worlds many worlds, so that a young, illiterate, disabled rural African woman finds herself at the bottom of the wealth and opportunity ladder. It has been said that through black empowerment blacks now own 5% of the Johannesburg Stock Exchange. The questions that spring to my mind are; which class of blacks and what percentage of the black population does this figure of 5% refer to? Also, how many of these blacks are rural and poor and how many are women? Women played an important part in the liberation struggle and South Africa owes it to them to ensure their rights are not pushed aside in the new dispensation.

South Africa's democratic elections in 1994 and the adoption of the new constitution two years later marked the beginning of a new chapter in the history of our country. It heralded the fragile beginnings of our new democracy. With this new-founded democracy came a shift in the site of struggle, from the grassroots to Parliament and the state as the locus of development and change. This shift could potentially lead to the weakening and collapse of the structures on the ground. One sure way of preventing such erosion is to ensure that there are strong links and open channels of communication between organisations in civil society on the one hand and Parliament and the state on the other. By so doing, we ensure that the structures that fought for our human rights become an integral part of our new democracy and continue to shape and monitor its growth.

In the four years, much has been achieved for women. We have a constitution that has entrenched gender equality and outlaws discrimination against women. We have some policies in place and we have laws that protect and promote women's rights. But, much more must still be done to make sure these translate into real change in the lives of women and children. Institutions of power, like Parliament, the media, the government and the economy are still characterised by male dominance, exclusion and privilege.

Take the media. 93% of those represent political issues are men and 82% of those visible in the media are men. The media is an expression of power and power depends on who has the information and who constructs identity. The way in which identity is constructed personally or by other forces, will determine whether one is included or marginalised. By this power. One of the ways in which the media can be transformed is by constructing feminist expressions of it.

Another example is Parliament which since 1994 has become dramatically transformed in terms of race. It is now led by a black majority. Why is it that 75% of this institution remains male? Is this affirmative action for men? The ANC has a third minimum quota for women. How can we ensure that the number of women improves in the next election? The Senate had only 16% women. When it folded in favour of the National Council of Provinces this figure dropped to less than 10%.

The women's movement was not vigilant. Parliament could be drastically transformed if women in civil society ensured that significant numbers of women are elected and by ensuring that the women and men who get elected are committed to the fundamental transformation of the institution so that it becomes more gender representative and its culture and policies more woman-friendly. The institution - its policies, its rules, its culture, its services and hours of operation could be designed in such a way that it takes into account women's needs and their multiple roles. This task, of transforming Parliament is not a task for parliamentarians alone, nor is it a task only for women.

Having put it into place, civil society, has the responsibility to ensure that Parliament becomes what they want it to be. Civil society must maintain pressure on the institution to transform itself and to respond to their needs. Those who have the power of money to influence policy makers are doing their best to ensure that the status quo remains. Women in civil society could stand back and ask, "What are women in Parliament doing for us?". This does not help women in civil society but serves only to alienate women parliamentarians from their base.

Women in civil society could play a more supportive role by maintaining close contact with women in Parliament and sharing information. Women in Parliament are not experts in all the areas they have to deal with and need the support and expertise of activists and academics. They need support working closely with academics and women's organisations to push for laws and services and budgetary allocations that make a real positive change for all women. And they need support in changing the culture of Parliament so that women there can work better for the needs of all women. For example, if the Portfolio Committee on the Environment is debating policy on fishing quotas, the task of practitioners and academics is to lobby the women on the committee to make sure that this policy benefits women. When international conventions on trade are being negotiated and when the Department of Finance proposes cuts on social spending women should point out the impact these agreements and cuts have on their lives.

What have the last four years taught us? We have learned that women and their allies need to work together - not in a vacuum, not sector by sector but across sectors and institutions. We have learned that critical mass is not 25% in Parliament or 12% at UCT. And we have learned that critical mass is a strong women's movement working at all levels - in universities, in civil society and in elected office. Women must learn from the trade union movement. The government knows that it cannot pass legislation that the trade union movement does not support. In the negotiating chamber at NEDLAC, labour is a key partner with business and the government. Why can't the women's movement demand that no laws be passed that are blind to women's needs and interests? Why are women not holding up the passing of legislation and policies that impact negatively on their lives? Where are the women at NEDLAC? Why are they not in the negotiating chamber, the main chamber? Where were women when the labour relations act denied them the right to six months fully paid maternity leave? And, why did we not protest the fact that the Senate had 84% men and the National Council of Provinces more than 90%, while the National Council of Traditional Leaders is almost 100% male?

In the past four years almost all parliamentary hearings have been held not only in Cape Town but in Parliament itself - an alienating place. Women in Parliament are fighting to have these hearings in rural areas. Knowing what we know from our first term as democrats, what are our strategies for the upcoming elections? What does this tripartite alliance - women academics, activists in community based organisations and parliamentarians need to do together to ensure that the next five years build on the momentum and the lessons learned? How are we going to ensure that women are exercise their right to be elected and to choose the leaders who care about their issues? And, how are we going to ensure that once elected, the government delivers on its promises to women?

Women in Parliament, working together with women in civil society have demonstrated the power of united action on certain key issues, for example, the issue of violence against women and children. This unity in action has made achievements in other areas such as the Women's Budget Initiative and the Films and Publications Act. The ANC Parliamentary Women's Caucus insisted that the Films and Publications Board be made up of women and men who understand the issues. We now have not only a representative board, but one that is chaired by a woman, a black woman. We must celebrate these victories and build on them.

In order to capture the momentum and to build on our victories, the Parliamentary Women's Group is discussing an election project with the Commission on Gender Equality, the Women's Net and the women's movement. One of the outcomes of this co-operation will be a voting manual for women, consisting of three parts. One part will have short biographies of the women in South Africa's first democratic Parliament to serve as both a documentation of history and encouragement for other women who want to enter politics. The other part will focus on the different political parties' stand on women's issues and finally the last section will provide information on women's organisations.

This initiative will serve to connect women in all sectors and women in elected office to ensure that women's equality needs are placed high on the priority list of issues for the upcoming elections. Women must use their electoral power to elect gender sensitive women and men. Women must make themselves available for election into public office. We must learn from other countries. In the United States of America the women's movement has initiated campaigns to ensure women are supported to stand for public office. In Pakistan women have invented the idea of Women's Voting Banks whereby they ensure that only those people who care about women's issues are elected. We have the power, we must use it. Let us build a tripartite alliance of women activists, academics and women in public office. Aluta Continua! Forward to Gender Justice and total transformation!

(The conference was held at the Centre for African Studies, University of Cape Town)

 

  

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