3. CRITIQUE
3.1 Key CEDAW articles
With the exception of Article 6, concerning trafficking in women and the exploitation of prostitutes, the Women's Convention does not explicitly address violence against women. However, CEDAW has concluded that such violence constitutes a form of sex discrimination and is included within the scope of the Women's Convention through several General Recommendations.
General Recommendation 12 requires that State Parties act to protect women against violence of any kind occurring within the family, at the workplace or in any other area of social life. It also states that State Parties should include the following information in their report to the Committee on CEDAW:
- The legislation in force to protect women against the incidence of all kinds of violence in everyday life;
- Other measures adopted to eradicate this violence;
- The existence of support services for women who are the victims/survivors of aggression and abuses;
- Statistical data on the incidence of violence of all kinds against women and on women who are the victims/survivors of violence.
General Recommendation 14 concerns female genital mutilation and aims at eradicating these practices
General Recommendation 19 states that gender-based violence, which impairs or nullifies the enjoyment by women of human rights and fundamental freedoms under general international law or under human rights conventions, is discrimination according to Article 1 of CEDAW. These rights and freedoms include:
- The right to life;
- The right not to be subject to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment;
- The right to equal protection according to humanitarian norms in time of international or internal armed conflict:
- The right to liberty and security of person;
- The right to equal protection under the law;
- The right to equality in the family;
- The right to the highest standard attainable of physical and mental health;
- The right to just and favourable conditions of work.
3.2 International Human Rights Law and Constitutional Provisions relating to Violence Against Women
It is unfortunate that the Government Report does not acknowledge the implications of the ratification of CEDAW (and the provisions of international human rights law generally) in the context of violence against women. The report does not examine the implications of the inclusion of the right to freedom from all forms of violence in the Constitution. This is due to a complete lack of insight in the nature of state obligations regarding violence against women on the part of the South African government, as appears from the current government responses to such violence. For further reference see Appendix A.
3.3 Critique Legislation
While we commend the initiatives taken by government Departments, we feel that the assumption by government that once legislation is in place, things will change, is an error. There must be a greater emphasis on implementation with clear guidelines on how to monitor this. Collaboration between government and NGOs must be strengthened. To achieve this, it would partly require government to appropriately acknowledge NGOs contributions in the fight against VAW. Government reports must have clarity as to the amount of resources allocated e.g. to non-legislative initiatives and the public must have access to this information. Presently, many legal provisions such as the cautionary rule and the Prevention of Family Violence Act are being revisited. The benefits of these changes would be long-term. In the meantime though, government must attend to the immediate need for services, such as shelters, social security benefits, setting up of victim assistance programmes at all courts and police stations, and the training of service providers to name but a few.
3.3.1 Criminal Law
The Criminal Law Amendment Act (1991) indicates that there are special provisions made for young witnesses, such as the allowance of "…the witness to give evidence through an intermediary" (SA govt. report page 17-4). This provision is only known to work effectively in some areas of Johannesburg and Cape Town, while in the rest of the country many of the cases drag on due to the courts not working with the social workers who act as intermediaries and who are therefore not available to the witnesses or complainants on the day of the trial. In addition, the intermediary system/one way mirror system is not a reality in all courts across the country. Having one facility in a court means that only a limited number of victims/survivors are assisted.
The Criminal Procedure Amendment Act (1996) is supposed to "…assist women and children as it is primarily aimed at eliminating delays in the finalisation of trials." There are numerous cases that have been delayed for over two years due to postponements, such as the accused is absent, the accused attorney is absent or late, the magistrate is on study leave, etc.
Case1: Miriam instituted divorce proceedings in February 1997 (separated in 1994; the church asked her not to get divorced and to wait in case the husband comes back). From 1997, Westgate court keeps remanding the case because the accused is absent, although summons has been served 4 or 5 times.
Case 2: A rape case since 1995 has still not been finalised. The reasons have been that the state is not prepared, the attorney is not prepared for the court case or that another magistrate had to be found because of sick leave.
3.3.2 Sentencing procedures
Sentencing jurisdiction is determined (inter alia) by which court a particular case is heard in. Rape cases may be heard by either the High Court (where a judge presides) or in regional (magistrates) court. The maximum sentence of imprisonment which may be imposed in regional court - which is on a 'lower' level than High Court - is a period of 10 years. Cases are not heard in the High Court unless they are deemed 'serious' (for example, when a firearm is used). The fact that the Department of Justice is now promoting legislation which will oblige presiding officers to impose compulsory minimum sentences for serious offences such as rape where a firearm or other dangerous weapons are used is a direct indication of the fact that the government does not view rape itself as dangerous, thereby demonstrating the fact that there is no clear understanding of how devastating rape is to the victim/survivor. It implies degrees of rape and suggests that some instances of rape are supposed to be "slightly serious". This perception is enforced by the government report (page 17-4) which states that "amendments of 1995 have already strengthened the authority of a court to refuse bail in rape cases, especially where a weapon is used or when a gang rape occurs. The Department is now promoting legislation which will oblige presiding officers to impose compulsory minimum sentences for serious offences such as rape where a firearm or other dangerous weapons [are] used."
Case 3: Lebho was raped by at least 2 men but the case was not brought before the High Court. The fact that it was decided to prosecute this case in the magistrate's court meant that the maximum sentence the perpetrator could receive was ten years, which was in fact the sentence meted out.
In general it can be concluded that sentences regarding crimes against women do not match the crime.
Case 4: In a recent attempted murder case a female Magistrate commented "the real issue is not the fact that you committed these crimes, but why. Against the background presented at the court there is nothing to say why you committed these crimes." The Magistrate was attempting to find a motive in a case where the issue of the husbands cold and remorseless personality and the fact that the marriage was not romantic or a bed of roses was raised during evidence. He was convicted and sentenced to an effective 7 years for conspiring and attempting to kill his wife twice in the space of two weeks (Sunday Tribune, 20 March 1998). This case is an illustration of a complete lack of gender analysis and understanding of the dynamics of abusive relationships.
3.3.3 Bail procedures
The claim that the Amendments of 1995 have "strengthened the authority of a court to refuse bail in rape cases" (SA govt. report page 17-4) is highly questionable. However, the most recent bail amendments are contained in Act 85 of 1997 which, broadly speaking provides that where an accused is charged with certain offences (committed under prescribed circumstances), the accused will be detained in custody unless s/he satisfies the court that exceptional circumstances exist why s/he should be released. The offences which are relevant here as regards VAW are rape, where a dangerous weapon or firearm is used; rape when accompanied by an assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm and when the offence was committed in connection with or formed part of the commission of the offence of housebreaking with aggravating circumstances. The seriousness of rape, however, is still based on whether the commission of the rape was done with a weapon.
Case 5: There was a national outcry at the state's failure to protect a seven-year-old girl who was raped by a man, who was let out on bail. The day before the she was due to give evidence against him he killed her. It subsequently transpired that the prosecutor in the bail application had agreed to bail without even having read the case file or consulted with the investigating (police) officers. There are no provisions in either the 1995 or 1997 amendments to ensure that state officials comply with their duties in the implementation of the legislation.
3.3.4 Cautionary rule
The issue of the cautionary rule was recently addressed in the Supreme Court of Appeal in the case of Jackson vs. the State (1998). The court held that "… the cautionary rule in sexual offences is based on an irrational and outdated perception. It unjustly stereotypes complainants in sexual assault cases (overwhelmingly women) as particularly unreliable" (Olivier, J.A.). The court decided that the courts should not automatically as a matter of course apply the rule, but should only apply caution in all criminal cases (not only sexual offences) where there has been evidence led that the witness may be unreliable. Hence, the cautionary rule may still be applied. The Supreme Court of Appeal said in this case, that "the evidence in a particular case might call for a 'cautionary approach' but that this was a far cry from the previous situation where a general cautionary rule applied against all women who claimed they had been raped." (Sunday Times, 22 March 1998)
3.3.5 Implementation of legislation
The judgement quoted in the government report on page 17-5, suggesting that "the Appeal Court has made it clear that rapist should expect no leniency from now on", was made by a progressive judge who is now a judge in the Constitutional Court. This is a minority viewpoint in the judiciary. In fact, implementation of legislation is obstructed by the subjective interpretation and use of discretion of the police and judicial officers. For example, police rarely confiscate firearms and are reluctant to arrest perpetrators. When women apply for interdicts in terms of the Prevention of Family Violence Act, magistrates are often reluctant to grant the interdict. Although the Act provides for this, they seldom authorise the eviction of the perpetrator from the shared home. Instead women (in most cases with young children) are expected to leave the home.
Case 6: Anne's husband has battered her for the past 19 years, beating kicking, burning and stabbing her. She applied for an interdict in 1996 and was refused because she was still living with her husband. The fear of ongoing abuse prompted Anne to leave the relationship. But after the divorce, he kept on assaulting her and destroying her property. Recently she has been sexually assaulted by her husband and laid a charge against him. Despite the ongoing abuse, her application for an interdict has been refused, on the ground that Anne was not living with her husband . The clerk even suggested that he would speak to her husband. Only after April 1997 and after intervention by the Nisaa Institute for Women's Development, did Anne obtain an interdict.
3.3.6 Prevention of Family Violence Act
Regarding the Prevention of Family Violence Act 1993, we acknowledge the existence of the Project Committee of the South African Law Commission that has been established to develop a Domestic Violence Bill to address the critical shortcomings of the Prevention of Family Violence Act 1993. However, we are concerned that this legislation will not address all the problems as listed in the Appendix B. A typical case scenario follows.
Case 7: Patience is being abused by her boyfriend and has left her home two days ago. She goes to the police station to report the abuse and to ask for application forms for the domestic violence interdict. The policeman does not understand what forms Patience wants, because he cannot understand her language. They finally manage to figure out that she wants the interdict application form, which the police station does not have. The police refer her to the court. After repeatedly asking, she finds out that she has to see the clerk of the civil court. On requesting the application for the interdict, the clerk asks: "Who is abusing you?" , she answers "my boyfriend" and is told to get a peace-order at another office elsewhere in the court. After another struggle, she finds the officer who issues peace-orders. Patience relates her story to him and he informs her that she is entitled to an interdict, but not through that court because of jurisdiction. She then goes back to the area of the common home with much trepidation and approaches the clerk for an application form for the interdict. Patience is unable to read English and asks for a form in Zulu. But she is informed that they are only in English. She has to ask people in the waiting room to assist her. In the interdict she asks that her boyfriend be excluded from their common home as she and her children have a greater need. However, this is refused and no reasons are given (this act has no appeal or review process). The clerk then tells Patience in English that she has to go to the sheriff's office to have the interdict served. She goes to the Sheriff and he tells her that it will cost a certain amount (cost based on distance traveled by Sheriff). Being unemployed, she has no money except for the busfare which she borrowed. Patience is at a loss as to take the next step. She goes back to the court and speaks to the clerk who informs her that the state does meet the Sheriff's costs if a victim/survivor can prove that she is indigent. She then has to explain that due to the beatings and numerous injuries sustained, she is unable to hold down a job for any significant length of time. She goes back to the Sheriff and he informs her that he can only serve the interdict once he receives payment from the Department of Justice. It is finally served one month later. The delays being due to waiting for payments and another two weeks in trying to track her boyfriend in order to effect personal service on him (in terms of the regulations, personal service is not required, but in practice judicial officers insist on it). During the waiting period, she has been assaulted twice by her boyfriend; with no social support services or the interdict to protect her. The interdict is served and her boyfriend tears up both his and her copies and then proceeds to assault her. She calls the police and tells them that the interdict is breached. They request a copy, she tells him he destroyed it. It is Friday night and they cannot ascertain that an interdict is in force. The police refuse to arrest him and the Magistrate on criminal court duty says there is nothing he can do to ascertain the existence of an interdict (no computer records exist). She is forced to flee her home again this weekend and returns to court on Monday morning for a copy. She goes to the police with the copy and requests that since there has been a violation, her boyfriend should be arrested. The police refuse to arrest him and no reasons are given. Patience wondered why she ever accessed the system.
3.4 Critique State Machinery
The Office on the Status of Women and the Commission on Gender Equality promised to monitor government implementation of its political commitments through CEDAW. However, the mere fact that these two bodies have received the smallest budgetary allocations indicates that the government is not committing resources to facilitate the effectiveness of these bodies.
3.4.1 Commission on Gender Equality
Whilst we celebrate the launch of the Commission on Gender Equality (CGE), we note that there is disparity in the amount covered by each province. In addition, we are concerned that of the government budget allocation to the CGE, 10% was used on program expenses and 25% on remuneration. The budget reflects that administrative costs are the same as the project costs. We strongly feel that funds which are diverted to the Commission may be utilized by NGOs on projects that directly benefit victims/survivors. Some of the projects that the CGE has taken up can be contracted out to NGOs who we believe have the capacity to successfully implement the projects.
The Program of Action of the Commission raises serious concerns for the NGO sector as it is not informed by the needs of women. This is illustrated by the intent of the CGE to engage men in writing a book on their experiences at a point when women have not as yet secured such space. The plan to address the issue of teenage pregnancies is laudable. However, programs to address issues of monitoring and implementation of the Termination of Pregnancy Act, accessibility to birth control, pre and post counseling services on reproductive health issues and sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/Aids, has not been included in the program of action.
3.4.2 Office on the Status of Women
The Office on the Status of Women referred the undermentioned participants to the government CEDAW report when approached for input into this report.
3.4.3 Human Right Commission
A letter requesting information was sent to the Human Rights Commission in relation to this submission. However, there was no report from the Human Rights Commission and instead they wanted to know what would happen to the report and which NGOs were involved. It is unfortunate that we were not able to get first hand information on Human Rights violations against women, given the fact that Human Rights depend on Women's Rights.
3.4.4 Victim Empowerment Program
The South African government boasts of its recently developed "Victim Empowerment Program" which is one of several programs of the National Crime Prevention Strategy (1996). The National Crime Prevention Strategy, itself is promoted as an inter-departmental strategy which takes a victim-centered approach to crime prevention where "the onus is on government to deliver a crime prevention approach which places the rights and needs of the victim at the center of the strategy" (2.3.3). However, the Victim Empowerment Program is deficient in many respects, including:
- Understanding women as victims/survivors of crime
- The strategy does not recognize domestic violence as a separate crime category making it difficult to track the frequency and extent of domestic violence.
- The concept of "victim centered restorative justice system" ignores the safety and security of women and does not take into account the power imbalance between the victim/survivor and offender.1.3.1.3(NCPS)
- There is a serious lack of understanding commitment and skills on the part of the state.
- It is strangled by bureaucratic and anachronistic systems, which will result in the burden of service delivery being carried by NGOs, CBOs and community structures as usual with no financial resources to assist. For example, the Kwazulu Natal Provincial CPS Committee members were asked to conduct audits of service organisations in the area of domestic violence and child abuse and no resources were offered to assist in this audit.
3.4.5 Ad Hoc Committee on Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Women
The Ad Hoc Committee on Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Women Tasks has the task of monitoring and overseeing the government's commitment to Beijing Platform for Action and CEDAW. However, it is clear from the National Conference of Commitments it is clear that Government Departments fall short of their promise.
3.4.6 Parliamentary Public Hearings
Parliamentary Public Hearings are restricted to people who are invited and who can afford to attend the hearings. Hence views expressed at such meetings are not reflective of the demographics of the country. In addition, the hearings are inaccessible to victims/survivors who are not supported by an NGO. Even if the hearing were accessible, no services are available to support the victims/survivors. Other restrictions regarding the Parliamentary Public Hearings are: the almost ad hoc way in which organisations are targeted to make representations at such hearings, the lack of follow up to these hearings, the short notice that organisations receive to prepare for such hearings, complemented by the fact that themes and topics for the hearings are changed on even shorter notice.
3.4.7 Department of Justice - Gender Policy Considerations, June 1997
The above addresses the issue of equality both within the Department of Justice and more broadly. The main policy document of the Department is the Justice Vision 2000 and one wonders why gender issues were not mainstreamed therein. The Gender Policy Considerations document speaks of structures and measures to address issues of gender - but does not address budgetary considerations. It also does not spell out mechanisms on how the different gender structures (both new and existing) are to function together for optimal results. Hence, once again scarce resources may be used to set up structures/policies, etc. with no substantive equality issues being addressed.
3.5.1 Critique regarding Government's Commitments to the issue of VAW
3.5.1.1
It is apparent from the SA government report that there is no clear understanding throughout the government departments of what CEDAW is about, nor what obligations and responsibilities CEDAW includes for the SA government at national, provincial and local level. The fact that they state in their report that "gender-based violence may breach specific provisions of the Convention" (page 17-1 re General Recommendation 16) indicates that the SA government does not actually take the issue seriously, hence gender-based violence is not seen as a clear contradiction to the Women's Convention.
3.5.1.2
The South African Constitution entrenches the right to freedom from violence as an aspect of the right to security. However, there are no indications in the government report of an awareness of this duty to protect and promote the right to freedom from violence. This is glaringly apparent from the description of piecemeal, unstructured government responses to violence against women, evidenced by the apparently unmotivated focus on certain initiatives - to the exclusion of others which do fit into a framework of obligations around protection and promotion of this right.
3.5.1.3
At the National Conference of Commitments in February 1996, the numerous government departments made commitments to work towards gender equality both internally and externally. However, only vague references and promises were made. Moreover, not a single departments provided a budget for carrying out their plans and many commitments made have not been fulfilled. In reference to the assurances made by the Department of Trade and Industry that it would develop target assistance programmes for women, the reality is that only 2% of its budget is directed to women's programmes; while more than 50% of its budget is utilised to subsidise Big Business. The Department of Transport claims that implementation of gender equality does not fall "within the ambit of the Departments functions," clearly overlooking the fact that the lack of safe transport contributes significantly to the incidence of rape and sexual assault. The Department of Justice in its conference of commitments promised to provide shelters for victims/survivors of violence and for witnesses of serious crimes and to involve communities and support community initiatives to combat VAW and children. This has not even begun. In fact there are no state sponsored shelters specifically for domestic violence victims/survivors.
3.5.1.4
Policies to combat VAW are not gender-specific and lack gender-analyses; they have an incoherent approach and include piecemeal projects, instead of practical measures. For example the White Ribbon Campaign and the Open Court Days which raise consciousness but provide no mechanisms for substantive justice.
3.5.1.5
SA is divided into 9 provinces, and this report only focuses on selected provinces; leaving other provinces unacknowledged. Examples in the government report refer to the urban areas, in particular Gauteng and Western Cape.
3.5.1.6
Little filtering down from policy makers to line functionaries of information, understanding and resources from national to the provincial level, and even less to local levels. Again the government functions are left to NGOs. For example, in some provinces the Magistrates and the police did not know of the Prevention of Family Violence Act and had to be informed by the NGOs in that area. Beneficiaries of legislation and policies do not receive information, for example regarding the Land Reform Property Association's Act. Women were not informed of their rights to economic resources, as mentioned on page 14-2 of SA government report.
3.5.1.7
While through the general recommendation 12, the SA government commits itself to include in their periodic reports information about "statistical data on the incidence of violence of all kinds against women and on women who are the victims/survivors of violence," no such statistics or data has been added to the report.
Statistics on VAW are not desegregated from other forms of assault, making it difficult to address the extent of women's reporting and the extent of the problem.
3.5.1.8
In the White Paper on Local Government no mention is made of women and development.
3.5.2 Support Services
3.5.2.1
The State has failed to develop widespread support services, such as shelters and counselling services. For example, the Departments of Health, Welfare and Justice promised as part of a national strategy to counteract all forms of abuse and violence against women and girls; to provide shelters, relief and support to women and girls, to educate policy makers and implementers about the impact of violence on women and girls and to encourage the media to present positive images of women. We have not heard what the follow up in this regard was. There is no co-ordinated strategy, plan of action or budget allocation for project implementation.
3.5.2.2
The State has also failed to ensure the accessibility of basic resources for women across the country including water and electricity, sanitation, transport, housing and basic medical services.
3.5.3 Violence & health services
The government report on violence and health service accord an extremely superficial analysis of health service and violence. The primary health care approach as adopted by the Department of Health is positive in the sense that it includes medico legal service within the primary health care package. However, there are certain issues that give rise to concern as regards the actual provision of such service.
3.5.3.1 Failures re the Medico Legal Service
The White Paper on Health fails to make explicit reference to the prevalent issue of VAW.
It fails to specifically acknowledge VAW as a public health issue and fails to provide strategies for addressing the health ramifications of such violence.
The White Paper makes no reference to sources of funding for primary health care services and provides no concrete measures to secure such funding from other sources
The White Paper fails to provide any content as to what constitutes 'medico legal service'; i.e. presently, whilst district surgeons are responsible for examining women who have been assaulted or raped, they are not obliged to provide treatment.
Practical problems in the provision of medico-legal service include:
- access to service (transport);
- whilst police are supposed to transport women to district surgeons, given the lack of availability of police vehicles, they seldom do so;
- due to linguistic problems, reasons for the examination by a district surgeon after reporting the rape to the police are not properly explained to women;
- there is often a lack of privacy during medical examinations (i.e. police do not leave examination room);
- while rape survivors are tested for HIV/Aids, they are often not told the importance of such tests nor the implications thereof. Women need pre and post HIV/Aids counselling.
3.5.4 Socio-cultural issues
3.5.4.1
While crimes against men are being perceived as socio-political, crimes against women are seen as cultural. This indicates the failure to understand the root cause of gender oppression which is patriarchy. Culture is used as an excuse for non-intervention and is not seen as dynamic. The under-representation of women in local, provincial and national government is a clear indication of the failure of the government to challenge patriarchy.
3.5.4.2
The state overlooks the issue of female genital mutilation and witch burning as a form of violence against women. Furthermore, it attempts to justify their lack of prior investigation by suggesting that "these do not appear to be widely practised in South Africa" (SA Govt. Report page 5-3). The fact that it is practised at all warrants investigation and monitoring as a fundamental human rights infringement.
3.5.4.3
There is a clear contradiction between customary law and the Equality Clause of the Constitution.
3.5.5 Public Awareness & Education
3.5.5.1
While the government has successfully informed many of its citizens of the new Constitution, it has failed to properly disseminate information to the public, specifically women, about CEDAW and other instruments pertaining to women. This has become an NGO responsibility.
3.5.5.2
The Public Education Programmes cited in the government report clearly indicate a lack of cohesion and accessibility. They are not getting into all communities because there is no wide coverage of the programmes. The existing programmes are not national initiatives, are only urban focussed, only include one off events and indicate no inter-departmental co-operation in dealing with VAW.
3.5.5.3
The 4-month Campaign of Dept of Justice was widely publicised but it is not clear how its impact was measured and how it has made a change to the lives of women.
3.5.5.4
Campaign on Violence Against Women and the Open Courts Day for Women were badly organised, not well publicised and were confined to the larger cities. For example, NGOs in Durban were called upon in desperation to assist in this campaign as the Court staff had no idea as to how to implement the directive received from the Justice Department.
3.5.5.5
The SA government states in its report that "the majority of school text books still promote gender stereotypes." The Department of Education should ensure change of Curriculum of all subjects at schools; curriculum should contain and promote both a human rights culture and language. However, it has failed to develop programmes to address sexual harassment in education on all levels. In addition, there is no budgetary allocation for such programmes.
3.5.6 Government - NGOs Co-operation
3.5.6.1
The government fails to provide financial support for NGOs who are providing services to victims/survivors of VAW, which is the State's responsibility. Since the government is not able to take responsibility to provide sufficient services, it should fund service providers which do. The government views and treats NGOs with suspicion; seeing them as a threat rather than as a partner in combating VAW. For example, NGOs have not been consulted in the Campaign on VAW or in the organisation of the SADC Conference on VAW from 5-8 March 1998. In addition, no information on proceedings of events is forwarded to NGOs. Also, the government tends to favour certain NGOs or individuals, which in general are co-operative and not very critical of the government.
3.5.6.2
The National Network on VAW (mentioned on page17-6 of the South African Report) is dominated by government people, while it initially was a NGO initiative. The government is also monopolising all the funds through the Network, which does not allow it the autonomy to monitor the governing departments properly. The National Network has been claimed as an government initiative (see Report of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, report on the mission to South Africa 1996); instead, the National Network has been a NGO initiative but is perceived to have been taken over by the government.
3.5.6.3
Although the government is somewhat reluctant to formally acknowledge the work done by NGOs, it continues to claim NGO driven processes and initiatives as its own.
3.5.6.4
The government report claims that a parliamentary/NGO task force on VAW was formed in 1997. However, the authors of this submission are not aware of this initiative even a year later.
3.5.7 Failure to secure Rights and Freedoms
3.5.7.1
Women's fundamental rights to freedom and security are directly violated every time VAW occurs.
3.5.7.2
The enshrined right to equal protection does not translate into substantive equal protection for women.
3.5.7.3
The government has not begun to work towards guaranteeing the right to liberty and security to women, even though Specific recommendation 24b of CEDAW includes the commitment to ensure that laws pertaining to VAW give "adequate protection to all women, and respect their integrity and dignity. Appropriate protective and support services should be provided for victims." The scare resources that do exist are provided by the NGO sector and are primarily urban based.
3.5.7.4
Specific recommendation 24c of CEDAW includes the commitment to compile statistics and to conduct research on the extent, causes and effects of violence and on the effectiveness of measures to prevent and deal with violence. The government fails dramatically in a number of ways: 1)The justice Department fails to capture statistics correctly and is not documenting sufficiently what happens in court. 2) It failed to conduct research on the impact of VAW on areas such as the national economy. 3) Due to lack of organisation one cannot say what the incidence of rape and domestic violence is in South Africa. 4) Existing, reliable information and data depends completely upon the information and statistics gathered and kept by NGOs.
3.5.7.5
Specific recommendation 24d of CEDAW includes the commitment to take effective measures "to ensure that the media respects and promotes respect for women." Presently there are no policies in existence which guide the media in its portrayal of women. The Constitutional right to freedom of expression (see page 27 Part II re gender sensitising the media) is used as an excuse not to tackle this key obstacle to combating VAW.
3.5.7.6
Specific recommendation 24e suggests that the SA government's report "should identify the nature and extent of attitudes, customs and practices that perpetuate VAW, and the kinds of violence that result" and "should report the measures that they have undertaken to overcome violence, and the effect of those measures"
Based on the problems identified in this submission, the government has failed to fulfil this recommendation.
4. RECOMMENDATIONS
4.1 Priority Areas for Action re Violence Against Women
The following priority areas for action are identified in view of this Submission:
4.1.1 Legislation
4.1.2 Service Provision
4.1.3 Education & Training (education as institutional)
4.1.4 Public Awareness
4.1.5 Fiscal Commitment
4.1.6 Research and statistics on VAW especially the impact of VAW on the economy
4.2 Key Indicators
The impact indicators need to be developed in order to measure effectiveness of programmes and services. Meanwhile, the following indicators are being used for holding the government accountable:
4.2.1 Publicised strategies, plans of action and budgets focused on women's equality/VAW
4.2.2 Statistics on the prevalence and the extent on VAW
4.2.3 Representation of women at all levels
4.2.4 Decentralised service provision including at local levels
4.3 Recommendations
4.3.1 Legislation
The South African government should
- ensure ongoing reform of all legislation pertaining to sexual offences and domestic violence;
- provide training of all service providers in conjunction with relevant NGOs, in gender sensitivity, and the law and its implementation;
- disseminate information
in plain language through accessible mediums for all communities;
- provide substantive access to justice for all victims/survivors by the provision of victim services at all courts and police stations;
- send directive to all police stations and courts to disaggregate statistics on VAW including a separate register on femicide victims.
4.3.2 Service Provision
The South African government should
- provide health and counselling facilities staffed by trained personnel where women can report cases of abuse, undergo examination and treatment or be given emotional/family counselling;
- provide accessible and affordable legal services with paralegals to assist women who wish to claim their rights;
- provide appropriate training for the police, social workers, prosecutors, magistrates, judges, district surgeons and other people involved in dealing with cases of abuse;
- set up accessible shelters for victims/survivors of rape, domestic violence and other forms of abuse as a matter of priority; along with this, affordable secure housing should also be provided for women;
- provide women with safe transport networks.
4.3.3 Education & Training
- Relevant government departments should come up with guidelines on VAW similar to the National Policy Guidelines for victims of sexual violence;
- Systematic training of all relevant role players as well as service providers is strongly recommended;
- The training should happen with relevant role players working in the area - NGOs working with VAW. Exposure to different types of training certainly does help as individual participants, particularly adults respond to a range of methodologies. Participatory approach is recommended to facilitators;
- Adequate resources for training need to be allocated by government.
4.3.4 Public Awareness
The South African government should set up a national planning meeting with NGOs across the country to develop a 3 to 5 year strategic plan of action to raise public awareness on violence against women. These campaigns should be co-ordinated in line with the prioritised issues on violence against women.
4.35 Fiscal Commitment
The South African government should begin to show their commitment to shifts in policy, programmes and service delivery to victims/survivors of VAW by shifting current budgets to accommodate them. While the Departments of Justice and Safety & Security, for example, have recognised VAW as a 'priority area', neither departments has re-distributed or allocated appropriate funds to ensure their policies are deliverable. Without developing specific budget items that focus on women, promises of 'effective change' for women in South Africa are vacuous.
4.3.6 Research
The South African government should:
- conduct/ensure National Prevalence studies on violence against women
- conduct/ensure research into the costs of violence against women to the South African economy
APPENDIX A
International Human Rights Law and Constitutional Provisions Relating to Violence Against Women
It is unfortunate that the Government Report does not acknowledge the implications of the ratification of CEDAW (and the provisions of international human rights law generally) in the context of violence against women. It also fails to examine the implications of the inclusion of the right to freedom from all forms of violence in the Constitution. This is due to a complete lack of insight in the nature of state obligations regarding violence against women on the part of the South African government, as appears from the current government responses to such violence. These obligations arise from a number of sources:
1. State obligations in terms of CEDAW
In terms of international law, the South African government, having ratified CEDAW, is bound by its provisions, irrespective of whether specific provisions have been incorporated in national law.
Note - the Government Report states: "Many of CEDAW's provisions have not yet been directly included in South African laws". It fails to explain which provisions have been included, what the effect of non-incorporation is and why such incorporation has not taken place.
The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women has indicated, with reference to Recommendation 19, that states may be responsible for private acts if they fail to act with due diligence to prevent violations of rights or to investigate and punish acts of violence, and to provide compensation. This is in accordance with general principles of international human rights law relating to the imposition of duties on states. The Committee has also found that in order to fulfill their duties under the Women's Convention, states must take all measures necessary to provide effective protection to women, including comprehensive legal, preventive and other measures. (See also General Recommendation 12, which requires states parties to act to protect women against violence of any kind.)
This failure to recognise this duty to "take all measures necessary to provide effective protection to women" has a direct impact on state action, and goes a long way towards explaining some of the problems identified by this shadow report, such as, for example, a failure to address present shortcomings around victim compensation. (The Government Report does not discuss the issue of victim compensation in the context of violence against women.)
2. State Obligations arising from the South African Constitution
It is significant that the inclusion of the right to freedom from violence as an aspect of the right to security receives only scant attention in the Government Report. In fact, it is not even mentioned in the first discussion of Constitutional provisions (see discussion of Article 1). This is an early indication of a lack of understanding of the potentially far-reaching impact of the inclusion of this right in the Bill of Rights.
The Report also fails to recognise that the inclusion of this right in the Constitution has far-reaching implications for state accountability - especially when section 12(1)( c ) is read with section 7(2) of the Constitution, which enjoins the state to 'promote, protect, fulfill and respect the rights in the Bill of Rights'.
There are no indications in the Government Report of an awareness of this duty to protect and promote (in the broadest sense of the term) the right to freedom from violence. This is glaringly apparent from the description of piecemeal, unstructured government responses to violence against women, evidenced by the apparently unmotivated focus on certain initiatives - to the exclusion of others which do fit into a framework of obligations around protection and promotion of this right.
The purpose of the Government Report, i.e. to furnish the Committee on Elimination of Discrimination Against Women with information on the progress of the SA government in compliance with its obligations under CEDAW, is therefore lost. This failure to adhere to the rationale and requirements for reporting is also clear if we note that the Government Report, in its section dealing with violence against women (significantly entitled 'gender violence' in South Africa' rather than 'violence against women in South Africa'), fails to follow the Committee on Elimination of Discrimination Against Women's General Recommendation 12, which requires states parties to report on legislation in force to protect women against violence, including sexual harassment in the workplace. (The Government Report does not even refer to sexual harassment in the section on violence against women.) States are also required to include statistical data on the incidence of violence against women - this is conspicuously absent from the Government Report.
APPENDIX B
Prevention of Family Violence Act 1993
Regarding the Prevention of Family Violence Act 1993, we acknowledge the existence of the Committee that has been established to develop a Domestic Violence Bill. However, we are concerned that not all critical shortcomings of the Act will be efficiently addressed.
Concerns regarding the Prevention of Family Violence Act include:
- Interdicts in terms of art 133 violates the South African Constitution in a number of ways e.g. a final interdict is granted without hearing the other side; gay relationships are excluded and hence violates the equality clause.
- The Act states that "…an interdict can prevent the abuser from entering the common home," (SA Report page 25) when it actually is not used that way. The Magistrates do not remove the abuser from the common home, but if the victim leaves the home they will issue an interdict to keep the abuser from accosting here wherever she moves.
- Application is limited to people who are or were married or living together - hence excludes other members of family who are experiencing domestic violence.
- Application has to be made in the jurisdiction of the applicant's home - this creates problems when women flee their homes.
- The interdict is only valid in the jurisdiction that is granted and not throughout the country.
- Service is either by the Clerk of the court (if the perpetrator is present) or the sheriff (who charges per kilometer traveled). This cost is a hardship for many women. The applicant can ask the court for a waiver of fees and, even though this may be granted, the practise is that such interdicts take up to 2 weeks to be served as the sheriff insists on payment upfront from the Justice Department.
- Problems regarding the police: Application forms are unavailable from police stations. Also lack of knowledge of the law by the police and lack of training of police in handling such sensitive cases.
- Domestic violence is not defined in the Act - hence judicial officers have different interpretations when applications are made, e.g. interdicts are sometimes granted when threats are made and sometimes they are refused in such cases. In addition, acts such as stalking, harassment, intimidation and economic abuse do not serve as grounds for the granting of interdicts.
- After hours applications for interdicts are extremely difficult.
- The sentencing options available for violation of the interdict are limited to a fine, a term in prison or both. There are no provisions for rehabilitation or counselling options within the Prevention of Family Violence Act. However, section 297 of the Criminal Procedures Act does provide for these options, but this section is rarely referred to in cases that fall within the Prevention of Family Violence Act.
- The Act does not specifically allow for the exclusion of the perpetrator from the joint household - hence exclusion orders are rarely granted.
- Domestic violence is not legislated as a separate category of crime - hence the general laws of assault apply and assaults between spouses are usually treated as a private matter by the police.
- The judicial officer granting the interdict has no power to simultaneously make interim access, custody, maintenance or restitution orders.
ADDENDUM
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS SUBMISSION