1. Background to the Training

As a result, it has been argued that SAPS treatment of such cases has actively deterred women from reporting sexual assault and domestic violence. To combat this problem, training for members of the Gauteng SAPS was instituted by MEC Jessie Duarte of the Gauteng Department of Safety and Security.

Funding for this project was made available through the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). The tender for the training was awarded to the Gauteng Regional Network on Violence Against Women by the Gauteng Department of Safety and Security. Training began in May 1996 and ended in July 1997.

1. The trainers: The Gauteng Regional Network on Violence Against Women
2. The Gauteng Regional Network is a provincial sub-structure of the National Network on Violence Against Women. The Regional Network consists of a range of organisations and individuals working in the field of violence against women. Most of the member organisations provide counselling and support services(such as shelters)for victims of gender-specific violence, as well as training and education in this field. The various organisations have been in existence for anything between two years to seventeen years.

1.2. The training programme
Broadly the training had three aims:

• to challenge gender stereotypes
• equip members of the SAPS with some of the interpersonal skills required for dealing with sexual assault or domestic violence
• and provide information on dealing with work-related stress

To achieve these aims, a range of participatory training methodologies was used, including role plays, group discussion, experiential exercises and group debate. The choice of an interactive approach was deliberate, based on the belief that people learn more effectively when their own experience and knowledge is valued. It was felt that formal lectures merely requiring SAPS participants to sit back and listen would not be effective in challenging stereotypes, nor would they necessarily be the most effective way of getting participants to identify with complainants. Formal lectures would also not provide participants with the opportunity to practise the skills discussed.

Nonetheless, where the focus was purely on providing information (particularly where it related to criminal justice procedures), inputs were provided, including:

• the social context of rape and battery
• the effects of abuse on relationships
• Rape Trauma Syndrome
• rape laws and the prosecutor's needs
• the medical examination of the rape complainant
• and the Prevention of Family Violence Act

Two videos were also used: the film Once Were Warriors and a documentary commissioned by the Department of Welfare entitled Family Violence.

Each participant also received a manual containing copies of the relevant Acts, information about rape and domestic violence, as well as a list of counselling agencies.

1.3. Attendance of the training
It was planned that 1 800 different SAPS members would be trained over an eighteen-month period. Actual attendance fell below this figure, with a total of 1 092 SAPS members finally completing the training course. A breakdown by sex of attendance at the workshop indicated that 335 women and 757 men attended the workshop.

Attendance remained at approximately 65% of the planned total throughout the training, with the exception of the ninth session. As this session unfortunately coincided with internal SAPS examinations, only 35% of SAPS members attended the training.

Attendance at the training course appears to have been affected by a number of factors, such as:

• erratic communication within the SAPS about the training. It was not unusual to find some six - eight months into the training that station commanders were still not aware of the training, while at the time of writing up the evaluation, some police officials remain under the impression that the training still continues.
• Although it was requested that attendance be voluntary, some SAPS members were sent to the course by their station commanders as a form of punishment. Not only did this affect participation, but it is also likely that it affected attendance.
• Three SAPS members took a particular dislike to one of the training exercises (a terminology exercise), filing a written complaint to SAPS training. By the following training session, it was clear that they had also discussed their complaint internally; some SAPS members on this particular course admitted that they had been sent to 'spy' on the training to assess its suitability, while others openly expressed reservations about this exercise prior to it being run. It's possible that negative perceptions around the course may have been created, again affecting attendance.
• Members of the dog unit or business watch, were regularly sent to the training. As neither of these two units has contact with rape or domestic violence cases, it suggests that people were sent for the sake of sending someone. Like some other SAPS members, these representatives often had no idea of the course content, attending because they'd been told to do so.

2. Evaluation of the Training

2.1. Objectives of the evaluations
Appendix A (the external evaluation developed independently of the Network) attempted to gauge to what extent the programme succeeded in changing attitudes. Specifically, it was designed to assess:

• the attitudes of SAPS personnel towards domestic violence and traditional sex role stereotypes
• whether there were changes in these attitudes following the training programme.

The methodology and findings from this evaluation will not be repeated in this report; the original is attached. However, its findings will be discussed in relation to those elicited from the Network evaluation.

The Network's evaluation aimed to assess whether or not the training had succeeded in meeting the objectives listed below:

• providing members of the SAPS with a better understanding of gender-related issues;
• introducing and practising some of the personal skills required to assist survivors of rape and abuse more effectively;
• referral of rape and battery survivors to the appropriate service agencies;
• management of stress and secondary traumatisation;
• collaboration and liaison with communities and non-governmental organizations.

The evaluation also aimed to investigate how individual members of the SAPS had implemented their newly-gained knowledge and skills, as well as whether or not the participants saw a need for further follow-up training.

2.2. Design of the evaluation
Initially it was hoped that 100 SAPS members, chosen randomly from the attendance lists, could be interviewed for the evaluation. However, not all members chosen had the time to be interviewed, while some SAPS members had moved stations and could not be traced. Sadly, two trainees had also died since completing the course. In addition, some of the facilitators who conducted the interviews had other work commitments and were not always able to complete their interviewing schedules. As a result, only 52 people (or approximately 5% of the total) participated in the interviews.

Once identified, respondents were contacted and asked to participate in the study. Information was elicited through individual telephonic, structured interviews that took approximately twenty minutes to half-an-hour to complete.

2.3. Biographical details of the respondents
The majority of respondents were Afrikaans-speaking and aged between 19 - 30 years. Most of those interviewed held the rank of sergeant, followed by captain, inspector and constable. On average, most respondents had spent between 6 - 10 years in the service. Most of this group had chosen to attend the training but some participants had been sent involuntarily. Twenty-five women and twenty-seven men took part in the interviews. Twelve members of the group had moved units since completing the training. Just over half of all respondents had attended the training course in the last six months.

2.4. Limitations of the evaluation
As no other information bar the sex of participants was available from the SAPS, we have no idea of how representative of the training group as a whole this group is. But in terms of sex, this group contains a greater proportion of female respondents than the training group did.

3. Findings

However, one respondent who remarked that he thought the course "would be useless - what could he learn? Not interested" found quite the opposite. Once the course began, he found it "all interesting", saying he learnt to "communicate effectively with victims. (The) open communication in groups was very helpful to him - made him more open and thinks he's changed in his life".

3.1. Understanding of gender-related issues
Two respondents found the information and group exercise around gender to be the most memorable aspect of the training. One respondent commented that he'd learnt "(M)en must not underestimate women". The other respondent said that she had come to understand "that the only difference between men and women is biological".

Providing completely the opposite perspective, were two respondents who stated they felt uncomfortable with the emphasis the training placed on women's experiences of discrimination; they felt men's rights were being neglected.

The evaluation contained in Appendix A found the trainees to hold liberal attitudes to gender roles. This finding is contradicted by the facilitators' training experience. Generally, facilitators found most of the trainees to hold paternalistic and stereotypical views about men and women. Some male trainees for example, could not accept women acting as station commanders.

This would suggest (as Evaluation A notes) that responses to the questionnaires utilised in Evaluation A may have been prompted more by the desire to be seen to be saying and thinking the 'right' things, than honesty. When the 'social desirability' factor is taken into account, it is possible that more positive changes may have occurred than Evaluation A records.

Even so, these changes are likely to be limited. On average, just on two hours of the training were devoted exclusively to increasing understanding of gender and its effects. Given this, changes in attitude towards gender roles and stereotypes are likely to be restricted. In retrospect, it is perhaps inaccurate to think of this programme as 'gender sensitivity' training; it is more accurately described as 'training to encourage sensitivity to victims of gender-specific crimes'.

3.2. The development of skills to assist survivors of rape and battery
According to the majority of respondents, the most memorable and helpful components of the training were those sections providing greater insight into the way victims felt and reacted to their victimisation. The movie 'Once Were Warriors' and subsequent discussion was cited by a number of respondents as having been particularly effective in changing understandings of wife abuse.

Information around the interdict, as well as why women stay with abusive men was also said to be helpful. Respondents also found the exercises teaching listening skills as well as how to ask questions to have been beneficial. As a result of this increased insight, respondents considered themselves to be more patient as well as more sensitive to victims. In addition, the skills and information obtained assisted respondents to take better statements.

3.2.a. Dealing with rape
Since completing the training, just over half the group had gone on to deal with at least 1 rape case, on average having handled between 5 - 7 cases each. As a result of the training, most of this group claimed to feel more confident about dealing with cases. Their confidence stemmed from a greater understanding of sexual violence and its impact, leading to a greater empathy towards victims. Respondents now felt better able to comfort victims, listen, take statements and ask questions. Some respondents commented:

• "I could understand why she did not want to talk, I did not feel so useless about this"
• "know what I will do - not scared anymore"
• "confident to talk about sensitive terms: oral sex and (other) sexual terms".

One respondent's confidence had been increased by the fact that a victim had "highly commended" him. For another, the fact that the case resulted in a conviction increased his confidence.

Asked what they were doing differently now that they had not done before in dealing with rape cases, some of the following were put forward:

• "(I) did not push the victim to answer lots of questions all at one time - tried to build some trust first"
• "I make sure that I interview the survivor privately, even if it means going outside. I feel that this is very important". In a similar vein, another respondent said "(I) did not know about victims' feelings - victim needs to feel free in giving a statement therefore go to another room". Taking women to private rooms was a common, practical change a number of respondents had introduced.
• "Not to harass or scold a victim"
• "More sympathetic - before I was cut off"
• "I would become emotional and cry but now I am able to deal with my feelings"
• "I don't take the statement down just to let the work get done. But now I first have a discussion with her and listen to her story before writing it down. I can also help her in a way to deal with her problem".

Three male participants still felt uncomfortable dealing with rape cases. "It's so terrible to handle rape cases when you are a man. We should write a letter to the Minister of Police that they must employ more women in the police", was one respondent's comment. Another said that although he now had "more insight into the position and feelings of the victim", he was "scared of having lost my objectivity - I want to assault the perpetrator". The third participant found rape cases more difficult now because of his increased awareness of people's emotions.

One of the female respondents who participated in the evaluation is a rape survivor; she found the course personally helpful. She stated "I feel brave now and tell her (the rape complainant) that she's not the only one." Her other comment, which is important in light of the fears expressed by the men above was "I was not expecting men to be involved. I now realise that men and even policemen sympathise with women".

3.2.b. Dealing with domestic violence
About two-thirds of the group had gone on to handle, on average, 12 domestic violence cases since completing the training. All respondents from this group claimed to feel an increased sense of confidence in dealing with these cases. For thirteen respondents, this greater confidence stemmed from being able to provide practical information to women on how to obtain and use the Prevention of Family Violence interdict, as well as having the knowledge to refer to shelters and counselling agencies. Other areas in which respondents felt increased confidence were:

• "to make the person who caused the violence in the house understand what they did and try to teach them to respect their partners and families"
• "victims see that I know what I'm talking about"
• "I am able to handle emotional people and to calm them down when they cry"

Other practical, positive changes instituted by respondents included removing women to private offices away from the abuser, and no longer advising women to withdraw cases. Another respondent said "(Ek)sluit nou baie gouer die man toe wat 'n vrou in haar situasie bedreig".

A change in attitude towards domestic violence cases was also reported by respondents. Typical of this change was the respondent who said "I now see domestic violence as a serious offence, just as serious as rape. I'm much more patient and sensitive when dealing with this issue". Similarly, others commented that they no longer took victims for granted, or saw domestic violence as "a run of the mill" situation. Other comments suggesting a change in attitude included:

• "(E)k tolereer die hele situasie meer - nie so gou veroordelend nie"
• "Kyk meer na die vrou se kant om haar te beskerm"
• "I used to believe the woman deserved it. Now I understand (the) woman's perspective"
• Particularly heartening was the respondent who said that he was now "less aggressive with (the) victim".

A number of respondents related this change in attitude (and increased patience) to their greater understanding of why women don't leave abusive relationships. Illustrating this changed perception was the respondent who said this understanding of "(W)hat abused women go through" enabled her to see "why it's not necessary to chase away abused women even if they come 10 times (to the station)."

Other changes reported by respondents in the way they dealt with domestic violence complaints included:

• "I understand and explain the cycle of violence to the victim and refer them for counselling"
• "I concentrate on the victim, able to calm the victim. Also try to reassure them and look not only at taking a statement"
• "before I was angry with the husband but now I am more calm"

Four respondents said they still found domestic violence cases difficult, with two citing the ineffectiveness of the interdict as a continuing source of frustration. The other two respondents found cases involving children to be personally challenging. One of the two respondents said "(domestic violence is) more difficult than rape - more complicated (when) children involved...Hard to calm children, see they will land up like their parents".

3.3. Referral, collaboration and liaison with service agencies and communities
Almost two-thirds of respondents said they were referring women to counselling agencies, some for the first time. Most respondents used the list supplied in the training manual which included organisations such as POWA, Lifeline, Nisaa and FAMSA.

To a lesser degree, respondents also said they were referring women to mental health professionals and court staff. From respondents' comments, it seems as if the bulk of the referrals were being used for cases of domestic violence.

Most of this group said the referral(s) had been helpful. Reasons given included that a rape survivor was provided with court preparation, women were granted interdicts, and that the problems had been solved in some way. Counsellors at the various agencies were also perceived as competent and professional. One respondent also used the referral list as a means of obtaining further information for herself, contacting the various agencies whenever she had questions. She also noted that the act of phoning a referral agency on behalf of the complainant helped to calm the complainant. Three respondents said that women they had dealt with came back to see them, either to thank the respondents for their help and/or tell the respondents what had happened.

Seven respondents had no idea of the impact of these referrals; either the woman had not returned to give them feedback on the outcome, or they had not had the time to follow up on the particular case.

Almost all participants said that they had discussed the training further once the course was over. Most of these discussions had been with their colleagues (for a small group, this was exclusively their female colleagues) while a minority had also discussed the training with members of their communities, their families or friends. However, three particularly enterprising individuals went further: 1 organised two workshops for SAPS members, reaching a total of 170 people, while another gave a talk in her department. The third participant discussed both the training and violence against women on Eastwave radio.

One respondent claimed to be using the information provided around domestic violence to deal "with youth and street kids (and) preventative work".

Four respondents had not used the training information or skills at all, primarily due to their positions within the SAPS. One respondent is a social worker, another works at in-service training, a third is a captain who does not work 'outside' and the fourth works in the SAPS' Financial Office.

3.4. Stress management
At the time of the interviews, slightly under half of all respondents considered themselves stressed, with approximately sixty percent of this group attributing their stress to their work. At least ten respondents claimed to be dealing differently with their stress as a result of the training, with three respondents specifically referring to this aspect of the training as having been most helpful to them.

Respondents used a variety of methods to deal with their stress such as engaging in some form of physical exercise, spending time with or talking to family, friends or colleagues, reading, listening to music, or going to movies. Others were booking off sick, taking time off, going away, or seeing psychologists. Some respondents considered themselves to be calm people and therefore generally unaffected by stress, while another small group appears to have accepted stress as an inevitable part of police work.

Of concern were the three people who did not appear to be coping particularly well. One woman, although saying that she "was trying to be happy", no longer mixed with people and was eating a lot and putting on weight. She was living with her uncle and brother in the barracks, both of whom drank.

Although atypical of the respondents who participated in the evaluation, this particular woman was not unusual amongst the training group as a whole. Facilitators commented on the high levels of stress described by the police during the training, as well as the lack of internal support offered by the SAPS to deal with this stress. Although social workers are employed by the SAPS, trainees in general spoke disparagingly of their services. Very few trainees used internal police services, preferring instead to speak to outside agencies or mental health practitioners in private practice. The lack of confidentiality offered to police members approaching SAPS social workers, was cited as one of the most important reasons why their services were not used. Senior officers were granted access to files, and sometimes interpreted the fact that members had sought help as an indication of instability. On this basis, particular members had been denied promotions or transfers.

3.5. The Current Training Programme
The training methodology was mentioned by more than half of all respondents as having been one of the most memorable aspects of the training. Respondents particularly appreciated the opportunity to share their individual experiences in group discussions and so learn from each other, as well as the opportunity to role play the new skills.

Two respondents said that they continued to read through and refer to their manuals.

On the whole, very few (5) respondents found any aspect of the training offensive. The sexual terminology exercise was almost unanimously identified as the cause of offence. This particular exercise requires trainees to briefly discuss in pairs their thoughts around particular sexual topics such as masturbation, homosexuality and male and female genitalia. Its purpose is to provide participants with first-hand understanding of how difficult it can be to discuss such intimate topics with complete strangers. However, at least three other participants found this exercise helpful, commenting that they now felt more comfortable using sexual terms.

Although not causing offence, the movie Once Were Warriors was cited by a number of respondents as having had a particularly powerful effect on them.

Five respondents also disliked the input around dealing with domestic violence provided by a member of the SAPS. They felt the presenter was not well-informed and unable to provide them with clear and helpful guidelines for their work. They also felt she did not respond very well to their criticism of her. However, one suspects that the police were more critical of one of their own in this instance than they were of 'outsiders', the trainers. The trainers were providing information that was new in most cases, making it difficult to criticise. This police woman was discussing everyday aspects of policing, which any police member could comment on. During this particular input, it also seemed as if much of the frustration and helplessness regularly experienced by the police, was being vented on this presenter.

Slightly more than a third of respondents felt that nothing about the current course should be changed. A number however did make some recommendations, the most common being that more time was required for the training. Other recommendations included:

• providing training materials and information in a range of languages other than English
• providing more visual materials
• providing more opportunities to role play and practise skills
• first-hand contact with victims
• information on legal guidelines and procedures for dealing with domestic violence

All respondents said they would recommend the training to others.

Eight respondents also said that the training had changed them on a personal level. Two felt the course had played a positive role in changing the way they related to their families, while another respondent felt he'd become more open as a result of the course. Four respondents thought they had become more aware of their feelings with one commenting "cope with self better...tended to block out feelings, now speak about (my) problems". Finally, the respondent who had been raped felt that the course had helped her to deal with this experience.

3.6. Future training
All but two of the respondents saw a need for further training. While most wanted further training for themselves, all felt that every police member should undergo the training.

3.6.a. Format
Visual materials are particularly well-liked by the police. Consequently, almost all respondents requested that more videos be included in future training. A few respondents also requested visuals explaining how an interdict works. Respondents also wanted more time to practise skills, as well as more role play exercises. A small group wanted a slightly more formal structure introduced into the training through a "class room set-up" and assignments.

3.6.b. Content
Respondents wanted a future training course to act as a refresher, and also provide the following new information:

• learning to show feelings to other colleagues
• new developments and research in the field of violence against women
• more about communication and counselling skills
• training around police procedure and investigative techniques such as conducting a crime scene investigation

• training around preparing both witnesses and police officers for court dealing with children

• further information about rape and domestic violence

4. Recommendations

• This course provided an introduction to gender and dealing with victims of gender-specific violence. As an introduction to these topics, it should (with some modifications) form part of every police person's basic training.
• The participatory and experiential training methodology used in this programme is effective and should be used widely in police training. It is suggested that the Network facilitators train police trainers both to run this programme at basic training level, and use participatory methodologies.
• In a variety of ways, and to differing degrees, the training has changed the attitudes of individual police members to rape and domestic violence. But to sustain these successes, it is vitally important that police members work in an environment that supports such attitudinal change. Consequently, the higher echelons of police management also require further training in this area. One respondent, summarising a view often expressed during the training course, as well as by other respondents, commented "I believe that it would be helpful if the top brass had the training first then ideas could be implemented and police on the ground would have more encouragement and support"
• It is not enough to merely change attitudes; the police also need a range of resources to do their work effectively. This includes providing stations with vehicles, crime kits, a safe house/shelter, more trained staff and trauma units/private rooms to interview victims. Other respondents wanted more space, time and privacy to deal with victims, as well as more competent district surgeons.
• There is a great need to tackle racism, and racial discrimination and stereotyping within the police service. Tensions often emerged around this issue during the training but could not be addressed given both the focus of and limited time available for the training.
• As an introductory course, it is vital that this training be followed up to deepen and extend participants' knowledge and skills, as well as maintain their current skills.

5. Conclusions

The evaluation suggests that SAPS members are implementing the training programme in a number of practical and constructive ways. They have also shared what they have learned with a wide range of people, suggesting that the training reached more than just those who attended the workshops.

However, if the benefits of the training are to be sustained and developed to their maximum potential, then a number of changes will need to take place within the SAPS. These include the efficient and constructive allocation of resources such as vehicles, private interviewing rooms (or trauma centres), as well as the provision of on-going, in service training. Another area requiring change is police management styles and skills.

Despite much of the criticism levelled at the police (frequently well-deserved), it would be a mistake to write off the police service as incapable of change, or conclude that all police members are the same. Almost all of the trainees who attended the course showed themselves to be committed to and interested in their work and communities, albeit disillusioned and burnt-out.

Investing in the police by providing training, encouragement and support might go some way to reviving this commitment and interest. Hope for this kind of change comes from the respondent who concluded her interview by saying "(T)he training changed both my personal and professional life in a major way. It gave me strength as a person and a sense of pride and knowledge as a policewoman".

Agencies and Individuals Involved in the Training